THE CANADIAN JEWISH BBVIEW
MAY H, 1964
e Nation
(Continued from P�c$ One)
Secrecy Scored
As regards national defence, there are two points that seem to require urgent attention. First, that our Government seems incapable of defining a clear and coherent national defence policy is alarming.
Second, the lack of information about defence matters released to the public is very worrying and could prove to be a serious setback to democracy in our country. The" excuse of "state secret," so often a cloak for administrative ineptitude and confusion, can also hide base servility.
In international trade, we must gradually but resolutely work toward free exchange. In this connection, the way in which Canada has been trying to get around her international commitments is a cause for real concern. ' For examples one need only think of our system of quotas on the importation of Japanese textiles or of our policy of subsidizing the exportation of automobile parts.
Should the need for a higher level of publjc morality be added to this list? Examples of public corruption are too numerous and too well-known to be listed here, yet it is essential to the proper functioning of democracy that each citizen be convinced that honest government is attainable.
Ill � Nationalism
Face to face with these problems, we choose the free flow of economic and cultural life. We reject the idea of a "national state" as obsolete.
The presence within a state of many ethnic groups poses problems of speech and culture which must be dealt with in their proper place. Let there be no doubt that we are against the discrimination practised by those who would have the English language as the only means of communication.
But that is not to say that language should be a standard governing all politics. The future of a language depends upon the dynamism of those who speak it.
Blind Spot
To use nationalism as a yardstick for deciding policies and priorities is both sterile and retrograde. Overflowing nationalism distorts one's vision of reality, prevents one from seeing problems in their true perspective, falsifies solutions and constitutes a classic diversionary tactic for politicians caught by facts.
Our comments in this regard apply equally to Canadian nationalism or French Canadian nationalism.
Whether it be the Hon. Walter Gordon's first budget in June, 1963, or the rulings of the Broadcast Governors on Canadian content, or the intolerance current among "white AnglorSaxon Protestants," or the present notion of a "State of Quebec" as the economic salvation of French Canada, it is always the same problem.
We are not any more impressed by the cries in some English circles when American financiers buy Canadian enterprises, than we are by the adoption in the Province of Quebec of economic policies based upon the slogan "maitres chez nous."
Separatism in Quebec appears to us not only as a waste of time but as a step backwards. Separatist nationalism would deliver but a purely juridical or formal sovereignty. The problem of real independence would remain untouched.
Our view of nationalism is not at the present time shared by many of the middle class elite. But, then again, nationalistic policies in Canada or in Quebec are generally advantageous to the middle class though they run counter to the interests of the majority of the population in general, of the economically weak in particular.
IV � The Constitution
The derangement resulting from nationalism is particularly revealed today by the exaggerated importance given by our leading citizens to constitutional problems.
Constitutional problems in Canada are far from being so serious or so important as some would have ua believe.
The obstacles to economic progress to full employment, to an equitable welfare scheme, or even to the development of French culture in Canada, are not principally the result of the Canadian Constitution. The restraints are not juridical but social and economic in nature.
It is an exaggerated conception of the power of the written word that believes that these restraints will be wiped away as a result of mere constitutional change, what-erer Ha magnitude.
led building of a new streets** Is as futile game of Mock* and the roted at the present time
__. audi e reform takes up
6ml of energy that eouM spent to sotriag much �ad mote ftmdtmcn-fn eer society.
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emotional ing used
be removed from the context in which it is enmeshed. The language ( , _ _ by a great many political figures and commentators is clearly alarmist.
The prophets of a "last chance" and the makers of ultimatums riBk creating the dangers they profess to fear. Grand declarations about ending Confederation betray in those who make them a narrow and myopic view of the nature of our political institutions.
V � Gin a da
We refuse to let ourselves be locked into a constitutional frame smaller than Canada. Our reasons are of two kinds.
First, there is the juridical and geographical fact called Canada. We do not attach to its existence any sacred or eternal meaning, but it is an historical fact. To take it apart would require an enormous expenditure of energy and gain no proven advantage.
It would be to run away from the real and important tasks that lie ahead. To want to integrate it into another geographical entity would also be, it seems to us, a futile task at the present time, even though such a development might appear in principle to conform to the natural course of the world's evolution.
More important at the present time than any question of juridical boundaries is the opening of the cultural frontiers of Canadian society.
Canada a Microcosm
In fact � and this is our second reason � the most valid trends today are toward more enlightened humanism, toward various forms of political, social and economic universalism. Canada is a reproduction on a smaller and simpler scale of this universal phenomenon. The challenge is for a number of ethnic groups to learn to live together.
It is a modern challenge, meaningful and indicative of what can be expected from man in the days ahead. If Canadians cannot make a success of a country such as theirs, how can they contribute in any way to the elaboration of-humanism, to the formulation of the international political structures of tomorrow?
To confess one's inability to make Canadian Confederation work is, at this stage of history, to admit one's unworthiness to contribute to the universal order.
If this country is to work, federalism must be preserved and refined at all cost. Of course, a federal political system has some inconveniences.
It tends to multiply the points of strain in the body politic � arguments about fiscal powers are an example. Such a system can also be inefficient � conflicts of jurisdiction have, at times, delayed in Canada the implementation of policies that were socially desirable.
But, on the other hand, this form of constitution has great advantages for a country such as ours. The nature of the country, its geography, its ethnic diversity, the variety of its contrasting regional economies, the necessity in a democracy of bringing Government close to the people � these are all factors that militate in favor of the decentralization that federalism permits.
VI � Realism in Politics
The solution of the problems listed at the beginning of this manifesto and the realization in Canada of a true plurality are tasks that, on the political level,
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can bind our generation together.
The challenge presented to ua consists in defining and implementing a policy with precise objectives, practicable and based on the universal attributes of man. To this end, there are certain conditions:
1.�We must be more precise in our analysis of situations, more intellectually honest in debate and more realistic in decision.
2.�We must descend from the euphoria of all-embracing ideologies and come to grips with actual problems. Planning, for instance, is largely a technical problem, but it is becoming an ideological passkey. We must start to analyze reality and establish priorities in terms of the precise tasks to be accomplished.
Restraint Vitol
3.�Worthwhile political action requires a sense of responsibility. This has often been said to gain respect for political institutions from the people. But it must not be forgotten that these norms apply even more stringently to governors than to the governed.
The political equilibrium of society is maintained by a delicate mechanism that can easily be fouled by irresponsible acts or declarations from public figures, leaders of industry, labor, ethnic groups, religious organizations and so on.
4.�Democratic rule must be maintained at all costs. It is a matter which we -will not compromise.
The truly democratic traditions have few roots in Canada where Indians, Metis, Orientals, Douk-hobors, Hutterites and dissidents of all kinds have been victimized one after the other by the intolerance of the majority.
Quebec itself is just emerging from past regimentation and authoritarianism. We will fight any action that tends to erode fundamental liberties and democratic institutions.
It is subject to these conditions that we wish.to work for the good of the community.
(Signed)
THE COMMITTEE FOR POLITICAL REALISM.
Albert Breton Raymond Breton Claude Bruneau Yvon Gauthier Marc Lalonde Maurice Pinard Pierre E. Trudeau.
We believe that there are many people who, while sharing our views, have chosen for all kinds of reasons to remain silent. If they want, our committee could be their rallying point. We are ready to co-operate with any person or group concerned about the real problems of our society. We do not intend, however, to waste time in grand polemics on general themes.
The Committee can be contacted by writing to: P.O. Box 1362, Place d'Armes, MONTREAL, Que.
mOflTREflL
RPPROACHMG IMRRIRGES
Mr. and Mrs. Sol Briskin,/7431 Kingsley Avenue, announce the marriage of their daughter, Miss Helen Louise Briskin, to Dr. Gary S. Sankoff, son of Mr. and Mrs. Morton Sankoff, 5762 Wilderton Avenue, to take place on Tuesday, June 9, at half-past six o'clock, at Shomrim Laboker Synagogue.
Mr. and Mrs. William Sigler, 5640 Westluke Street, announce the marriage of their daughter, Miss Mona Sigler, to Barry Friedman, son of Mr. and Mrs. Robert Friedman, 4850 Cote St. Luc Road,
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