Friday, July 13, 1962
JEWISH     WESTERN BULLETIN
Page 5
PROBLEMS OF DISARMAMENT;
Mans Oldest Dream
By EVA WYDRA
Editor's Note: — This speech was written and delivered by Eva Wydra last May 8 at the Oddfellows hall. A sixteen-year-old student who came to Canada only three years ago from her birthplace in Poland, Eva Wydra has been chosen as ihe only Vancouver representative to the Oddfellows and Rebekahs annual United Nations' Youth Pilgrimage. She left Vancouver on July 2 to visit the United Nations in New York along with seven other British Columbia representatives. Eva has also won a Koerner Foundation grant to attend the Apsen School of Music in Colorado for a nine-week summer course. In addition, she was recipient of a Vancouver School Board scholarship in drama and music to go to Stratford, Ontario. Eva is the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Boris Wydra.
Since the beginning of civili-
zation, there were among men, the grim philosophers of war. They preached that the human instinct to fight cannot be suppressed, and therefore war is inevitable. But today, we can no longer afford to consider this true. Albert Einstein was once asked who, in his opinion, would win the Third World War, He answered, "I don't know, but I can predict that the fourth one will be fought with felubs."
i
With the knowledge of the horrors of a nuclear holocaust, no human being wants war. For 17 years, the leaders of the nations involved have tried to cope with the new danger by negotiating — achieving nothing but discouragement. The negotiators engage in a dangerous game of diplomatic ping-pong, while the greatest arms-race in history continues.
The real: obstacle to securing an agreement on disarmament, is the completely opposed approach which the U.S. and USSR take to the problem. On the surface, their policy is the same and it can be summarized as "Ban the Bomb." The Soviet Union exploits it chiefly for propaganda purposes.: Some Soviet proposals are pure froth, but others are considerably reasonable. They arei all, however, attractive and politically appealing. Their covering of meaningless slogans makes it very difficult to judge whether they are really as cynical as theyi sound. They place the U.S. iproposals on the defensive. ).i
A Soviet representative will exclaim "Ban the Bomb", and the United States representative will answer, "Yes, but we insist on safeguai^dsl? r A'pdsUisui beginning .with ^'Yei, biit unattractive tq the., l^r^e audi-e4c es at wh|reh • prplpagiJiijp' 'is ^imed. The United States pj'o-.Rpsals,; might," of ^' course, also? -q^ntain pro-Western propaganda,^' ,i)ut ipbst of ' them present' cotl-' ;crete and platisilDle pla.ns for dis-ar^sjipent supervised by an international or.a'United Nations s^'item. The Soviet representatives constantly have described the U.S. proposals in terms of Western espionage, although they agreed that such a system is necessary. The reason for this is clear. Russia, which probably has most oi the inifonna-tion such a System would deve-
lop,, has nothing to gain' from it.
It has much to lose. Inspection,
like free cultural exchange, is
almost fatal to a controlled state.
Recently, a Russian ambassador to Canada, Dr. Oratunian, said that there was actually no need for inspection, since nuclear explosions can be detected by a seismograph. The validity of this opinion can be doubted because of one obvious danger, which was voiced by Lord Hume. What could be done if the detection were denied? Here again, there would have to be an international authority to impose order. The Soviet leaders may consider opening the iron curtain an: excessive sacrifice, but the Unijted States cannot gamble its security on a Soviet promise wliich could be easily broken.
tHE BiG DILEMMA
Bombs ppsi^, a dilemma; besides !; presenjtiing ; the greatest threat of war, they might also be our best hope for'maintaining peace. Through the years,^ the U. S. has derived a sense of security .from possession of its enormous nuclear stockpile. Its policy is one of deterrence thrpugh nuclear retaliation, and it might well be the only reason why the big powers have not plunged themselves into an all-out war. Unfortunately, the Soviet Union does not use its power merely for defensive purposes. Violence or threat of attack is a constant part of its policy. If it were to disarm, many of its satellite states would probably prefer to 'withdraw from the Soviet splhere. And if another nation dared to oppose its policy, the Soviet Union would have no rockfets with which to threaten it .
Thi^oughout the negotiations, repreiSentatives have emphasized surface issues — the timetable of disarmament, machinery and •aiipA|ratus of inspection — but ^fh^ey liave never really faced the primarj/' question — not how lo disarm/ but whether to disarm. In an ideal world, it is hard to imagine a negative answer, but in our all-too-real world, the difficulties do not present an easy; solution. Disarmament is not an isolated issue. It is nonsensical to presume that tlje ne-gfotiations have failed merely because of technical difficulties. There is a more basic issue. It is the life and death struggle in which the communist and Western nations are engaged. Their
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EVA WYDRA
aims, purposes and ideals are opposed in many areas, and are the cause of constant friction and conflict, called the Cold War. Concessions which in a calmer period might be easily made, are now withheld.
Ilya Erenburg, a leading Russian writer once said, "VJe will fight for peace until the last man." With that attitude of the Soviet Union, it would be obviously suicidal for the U.S. to disarm, unless it had complete assurance that the Russian commitments would be carried out. On the other hand, the Soviet government may sincerely fear the encroachment of capitalism, if communism were too weak to defend itself. Thus, if eitfter side were to gain a substantial lead in the arms race, a Third World War might be uncoinfort-ably close. Unless the political struggle cain be stoppied,' the problem of disarmament carinot be solved; '« ;
Both nations ivould have much to fear if they were to dispose of their weapons. For the U. S. it would mean an ex-istpnce of uncertainty, a few years of depresaon, while the ecbnomy was shifted fjrom a military to a peaceful plane, and perhaps, loss of some of the control it now has in international relations. For the Soviet Unipn,^ it might mean the loss of prestige, power, and influence which it now exercises itf the world. THE HAfib FACTS It is becausi^ 'these hard facts of a divided world, that disarmament" i^ widtely regarded as a Utopian sodwtion. The question is, is it anjf rhore Utopian than the systenfi of deterrence in which we have placed such great confidence? Deterrence has never prevented war. Disarmament in itself is not synonymous with peace — but it would reduce the war-making capacity of the big nations, and manifest their desire to try the principle of peaceful co-existence.
Disarmament cannot come soon, and not as a conscious decision of politicians. In order to achieve it, each of the rivals has to be able to grant the other a minimum of trust — and that will involve a relaxing of hostilities and tensions. Disarmament will have to be a natural result of changing times and circumstances.
There are grounds for hope. The Soviet Union has shown itself more moderate in discussing disarmament than any other equally controversial issue. We should at all costs continue the negotiations and save the situation before it is too late. We should not let our fears hold us back from pursuing our hopes — the hopes to make a reality of man's oldest dream — a peaceful world.
DISTRICT POST
(Continued from Page 1)
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The Lifchus' have two sons, Ian, who has just served a year as head of the B'nai B'rilh sponsored youth fjroup, AZA, and Leonard^ Fge 11.
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