The Canadian Jewi$h News, Friday, July 6, r973-Page 5
Opiniori
Challenfflfig task seen
A crying need exists m ihis country ^or first rate
ews
By A.J. ARNOLD
— The Jews of Canada is the theme of a special edition of Viewpoints, the Canadian Jewish literary quarterly published by the Labor Zionist movement. It features a/series of five articles on the highlights of Canadian Jewish history by region: The Maritimes, Quebec. Ontario, the Prairies, and British Columbia.
As one of the contributors to this issue it would not be proper for me to review the publication as whole, but I do hope that it will receive the widest possible readership and that others will express their views about it.
1 am moved to comment however on Saul Hayes' introduction to the issue: A View on Canadian Jewish History. As one who is actively involved in this field of endeavor 1 must agree with him when he says: "no really first rate history (of the Jews in Canada) has yet appeared."' His suggestions about monographs are also very much in order. It is not good enough however merely to dismiss what has been done recently or is currently being attempted as superficial or not sufficiently dramatic. What is really required is a careful survey of what is being done today not only at universities but also through historical societies.
Three years ago in an earlier contribution to Viewp<J3.nts (Sources of Canadian •Jewish History, Vol. 5 No. 3. 19?0), I had occasion to point out only two dissertations were then reported in progress at Canadian universities on themes relating to Canadian Jewish history and both were being done in French by non-Jews at Laval University. Since then the situation has improved somewhat. In 1973, according to the Canadian Historical Asso-
ciation Register of post-graduate dissertations in progress in history and related subjects, there are five, theses on topics, which might be regarded as Canadian Jewish history and nine on subjects of general-Jewish interest. Four of these are by non-Jewish students. Of the total of more than 2,100 recorded dissertations in progress at universities an estimated 62 are by students of Jewish origin, but only five of these are working on Jewish topics.
A proper survey would have to go much further of course and inquire into projects underway at universities and by other institutions and organizations. Mr. Hayes mentions the need for monographs on Jews in the trade union movement and particularly the needle trades. At York University there is an oral history project underway on trade union pioneers, including Jews. And in 1972. one of the papers presented by a university student to the Jewish Historical Society of Western Canada, dealt with Jews in the Winnipeg needle trades.' These are just some examples of what is happening. While Jewish students represent approximately three per cent of the total number of students making history their special major, only a handful of these are becoming seriously interested in Jewish history—or Canadian Jewish history.
Recognition of the reality of the situation in the halls of academia should add impetus to the role of the historical society. The first objective of a national Jewish historical society should be to strengthen and assist regional and local groups where they are already existing in Halifax, Toronto and Vancouver, as well as Winnipeg. As far as Winnipeg is
concerned the vital role of the Jewish , Histoi-ical Society has been established, and while a greater effort must be made to encourage the dc'velopment of university history nriajors, there are several other vital areas of concern.
As for Hayes' concluding objective in his Viewpoints remarks: to "encapsulate the mainstream of Jewish life," which he says can be done only by "professional historians"—this. in my view is highly unspecific. How do we define a "professional historian" particularly in an area as specialized as Canadian Jewish history? We have already had too many "encapsulated" Canadian Jewish histories based on insufficient documentation. What is needed is the fullest documentary exposition of our story developed from the oral as well as the written record.
The first useful service that might be performed by a national Jewish historical society would be to organize a conference or colloquium on the writing of Canadian Jewish history. Such a gathering should devote itself to a study of the ways in which that history can be made meaningful in relation to Canadian history as a whole as well as in its ties to world Jewish history. This is a task not only for "professional" historians, but for those who have lived through some of our history and,are still with us. and for those who are now beginning to work actively to bring that history to light and to life by all recognized methods.
Abe Arnold is well-known as a Jewish historian and recently retired as Western regional director of the Canadian Jewish Congress.
Trio cleared of complicity in death of Zionist leader Chaim Arhsoroff on Tel Aviv beach 40 years ago
By MOSHE RON
CJN Jerusalem Correspondent
Some tragedies can never be forgotten. They seem to come to life over and over again. One such case is the murder, 40 years ago, of Chaim Arlosoroff.
During a memorial service for the later Herut leader, Aba Achimeir, a few days ago at the Tel Aviv cemetery, there was a dramatic moment when Israel's former ambassador to Turkey, Tuvia Arazi, declared he, had definite proof the three Jews, including Achimeir—who were accused of murdering Zionist leader Chaim Arlosoroff in 1933—were in fact innocent. Tuvia Arazi referred to a document writr ten by his late brother, Yehuda Arazi, who had been a senior police officer in 1933 and later a Haganah leader, and who had distinguished himself by smuggling arms from Europe for the Haganah on the eve of the War of Independence.
In this document, Yehuda Arazi confirmed the version of the story that Arabs not Jews, hadmurdered Arlosoroff on Friday, June 16, 1933 on a Tel Aviv beach. It had been -a. dark evening; Arlosoroff and his wife went for a walk along a dark and deserted stretch of the beach, when two shots were fired, causing severe injury to Arosoroff. He later died at Tel Aviv's fladassah, Hospital.
Arlosoroff was only 34-years-old when he was killed. The death of this popular Zionist leader, who had been the director
of the political department of the Jewish Agency, stirred the whole population of Israel. He had been murdered after returning from an important political mission to Europe. He had also visited Germany, where he had negotiated with the Nazi authorities on the transfer of money belonging to German Jews who wished to emigrate to Israel.
Immediately after the murder, rumors began to circulate that Revisionists had committed the crime and friction broke out among Jews all over the world. The Revisionists denied any responsibility fot* the murder. After the funeral, a member of Betar, Abraham Stawsky, was arrested on a charge of murdering Dr. Arlosoroff.
Soon after, another Betar member, Zvi Rosenblat, wais arrested and later the editor of the Revisionist newspaper, The People*s Front, which had been active in criticizing Dr. Arlosoroff's political line, was also arrested.
The Jewish population, both in and put of Palestine, was divided into two camps. One side believed Stawski and his friends were guilty, while the other side was convinced this was a libel. There were clashes between these two camps in the streets of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. Some prominent Jews, suchas Chief RabbiCook, Zionist leader Moshe Smilanski and journalist Benzion Kok, led an open campaign
for the liberation of the accused. The Jerusalem District Court sentenced
Abraham Stawski to death and found Zvi Rosenblat not guilty. The death sentence was later revised by the High Court of Justice and Stawski was released after 13 months in prison. He left for the United States and after World War Two was active in smuggling arms to IsraeL After the establishment of the state of Israel, he brought heavy arms on board the At-alena, and was killed when the Haganah blew up the boat off the Tel Aviv coastline. It was an irony of fate the Atalena was shot at from a place on the beach at which Arlosoroff some years earlier had died.
Yehuda Arazi, the Jewish police officer, said he had only believed Stawski to be guilty for 48 hours. After that, he had become convinced of his innocence. He claimed the British authorities wei-e interested in forging statements and changing the facts in order to prove Arlosoroff had been murdered by Jews. As protest, he handed in his resignation. After his resignation, a senior British police officer whrned him if he were to reveal any details about the investigation, he would be severely punished.
Yehuda Arazi died several years ago and now his brother Tuvia said the time had come for fulfilling his late brother's legacy and telling the truth about the false accusations made agaiqst the three Jews Hho had nothing to do with this crime.
By HORACE BROWN
"Remember the Maccabees!" Bernard Tate would tell his five strapping sons.
It waisNewcastle-qn-Tyne, England, just after the First World War. JFathier Tate knew what a rough life was: he was a staunch and active labor man.
As a realist, he had quite a regimen for his sons. AH had to learn the "manly art of self-defense." The Sabbath afternoons jwere spent with Father Tate teaching the "great Jewish traditions in Hebrew. Other days two hours were allotted to gaming proficiency in a musical instrument
Bernard Tate has gone to his, just reward So have four of his five sons. But Murray Tate carries on the family tradition. He still stands' up and fights for that m which he believes. The underdog will always find in him a champion.
"My father was quite a man,'' said Murray Tate. "He imbued my brothers and me with the spirit of those great Jewish heroes, of whom he was always talking. Nobody would slur the Jewish people around us without getting a 'receipt' for it."
Bernard Tate^brought his family to Toronto in 1926. Hejbecame a leader an the GoelTzedak Synagogue, forerunner of Beth Tzedec.
Murray Ta^ put to work all the skills ; ^his"^ father ha'd insisted on his having. He played football and hockey for Har-bord Collegiate. He studied music at the old Toj^nto Conservatory of Music. In wrestling, as an amateur in thel65-.pound classi he pinned the shoulders of the
New York State champion, Rupino.
And, with his father's example before him, he turned to labor.
The name of Murray Tate is today one ;of the best-known ia labor circles in Canada. Since 1958, he has l)een a deile-gate from the Toronto Newspaper Guild to the Labor Council of Metropolitan Toronto, where he has held many offices, culminating in a nine-year term as vice^ president.
Never afraid to call a spade a shovel, Murray took on the redoubtable Hal Banks of the Seafarers - International Union. At the Labor Council meeting of November 17, 1963, he called Banks, among other things, a "cancer m Canadian labor." At 1:45 that mornings the phone rang. Rita Tate answered.
"If you don't want to be a widow, lady," snarled a gravel voice, "teU that husl)and of yours to lay off Hal Banks." . Neither of the Tates was afraid. Mur^ ray went; on calling Banks names in public, when that was not fashionable. The police kept a silent. protection on the Tate home for months. The goons did not come to do battle with the man whose father and made him proud of the Maccabees.
Wheji, Murray Tate was elected .trea-< sui^ of thc^abor Council in 1964, The /^oronto Telegram wrote: "Mr. Tate has inever avoided an^issue on the floor of the /Labor Council because it happened to^ I controversial. His performance inW' council was at times hotheaded, but had the force and purpose of the explosions tfeat power a guided missile." • Up the Maccabees!
Muny Tate
All in the labor movement agree without stint Murray Tate's finest hour came when he followed all the principles his father had ground into him, aU the things he had learned through the hard knocks of unionism, and defied the mighty Toronto Daily Star. The occasion was the strike of 1964 of the International Typography ers' Union against The Star, The Tele-grap and The Globe and Mail. -.^ Murray Tate was proud of his job in the advertising department/of the great metropolitan daily. He bad |}een with The S^r-tor a quarter-of-a-cejitury. Indeed, h^hadl reached a point in h/s career.whei a man:'feels comfortably settled into a jot) which he will hold until retiVjement. / The Ifewspaper Guild was not on strike.
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WUWPMENTSTO ^ JOIHTHIIRFRMILYIN . IS(Ua-MY;ATHER ' IWfOWIBTRtPpfB A
THE WORLD FftMWsW Mil NMI FIGHTER WttSTME LUKROfTHEREOORCTESTRft
David Trepper, son of the famous Second a hunger strike at the Western Wall to
World War spy, entered to aUow his father to emigrate. The senior Trepper has not call for world pressure been allowed to leave Poland to join his family in Israel. (IPPA)
Awarded Ontario contract
Background of German under question
By HOWARD ENGLISH
CJN Queen's Park Correspondent
TORONTO-
Despite months of meticulous evaluation, the Ontario government's recent $16 million contract award to Krauss-Maffei of Munich, a prominent manufacturer and d^igner of futuristic transportation vehicles, has raised an issue unanticipated by the provincial cabinet.
Corporate ownership of Krauss-Maffei rests with a gigantic German conglomerate founded by Friedrich Flick who was convicted at the Nuremburg trials in 1947 of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and exploitation of slave laborers. According to documents supplied by the Yad Vashem Archives in Jerusalem, the in-dictement against Flick lists the following offences: "murders, brutalities, cruelties, torture, atrocities, enslavement, plunder of public and private property, persecutions, and other inhumane acts."
Although Flick died last year and his youngest son, who was only a child during the war, currently conimands his late father's S2 billion business empire, the question of Krauss-Maffei's relationship with the Flick conglomerate has caused some concern in the Ontario legislature. Responding to questions from MPP Phil Givens (Liberal York-Forest Hill), Ontario's Transportation and Communications Minister Gordon Carton conceded on June 12, 1973 that Friedrich Flick was a convicted war criminal. However, Carton added that '"it is his youngest son who is the head of this corporation, and he is now 46 years' of age, and would be about 10 or l2-years-old at the time of the Second World War." Carton recently told The Canadian Jewish News that he had no knowledge of Flick's personal history before the contract with Krauss-Maffei was signed on May 1, this year. He said the contract was based on technical factors with "no politics involved at all."
Krauss-Maffei was selected by the province to construct a computer-operated public transportation project to be tested at the Canadian National Exhibition by August, 1975. Each Krauss-Maffei vehicle which is designed to travel about 25 feet above ground can carry 12 passengers seated and eightstanding. Equally impressive for Ontario are the financial returns stipulated in the contract. The province is permitted to market around the world the technology developed by Krauss-Maffei.
The extent of Ontario's involvement with
Krauss-Maffei, and the war time activities of Friedrich Flick have both left Givens uneasy. He said that Carton is ••marrying into an international relationship, not just with the company but with a foreign government, which he may live tp regret." Givens is not advocating a-provincial withdrawal from the deal, but he feels Flick's war record whould be publicized. Unlike Givens, Carton claims that Krauss-Maffei's ties to the Flick corporation and Friedrich Flick's 1947 sentence have no bearing on the current contract.
Its members were required, as far as the ■guild's contr-act read, not to join any
• sympathy strikes by recognizing picket lines of other unions.
As a trade unionist born, as one broiight lip in the Jewish tradition of helping those
. who need held most, Murray Tate ireact-ed in Murray Tate fashion: he refused to cross the ITU picket line. The Star, of course, had no recourse but to fire him. It seemed that 25 years of devoted.ser-vice to one organization had gone the way of all minority rebellions. But it did not turn out that way for
I the man who was doing what he believed his father and bis 'father>s father back to the days of the Maccabees would have done. Wife Rita rallied around loyally as usual, and continued working. The Toronto Newspaper Guild entered grievance upon behalf of its member.
Almost from the day Murray Tate refused to. cross the picket line, he began a new life as a;labor-management
/consultant, until today he sits on arbitration boards right across Ontario and
, his services as an arbiter are in constant demand. Nine years ago. City Council appointed him to the Toronto Harbor Commission, where he has served as a commissioner effectively, particularly in'find-.
ing ways and means to reduce organized ' pilferage to one of the lowest levels'any-\ wher^'. )lis service to his city was re-■ cognized in 1972, when he was presented with the civic medal of service. . I It sometimes happens in this life those who adhere to that in whichtheybelieve end by piiming the shoulders of oppression to the mat.-^
Brezhnev on the defensive
to free
t
ews
Leonid 1. Brezhnev, the first secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and the latest "strong man" of the Kremlin hierarchy, completed his much-publicized diplomatic visit to the U.S. and is now back in Moscow.
Prior to and, more particularly, during his visit, the White House was understandably concerned lest the largest Jewish community in the world—American Jewry—and their influential nonf Jewish friends hinder the negotiations of the two world powers.
Organized American. Jews, on the other hand, while welcoming every move towards an easing of tensions, and the attainment of world peace, was nie-vertheless determined to utilize Brezhnev's visit for the ending of the persecution and harassment of Soviet Jews.
Was the cause Of Soviet Jews a;d-vanced during Brezhnev's / visit? Did the chief Kremlin negotiator feel the pressure of the broad Jewish and non-Jewish alliance that champions 'that: cause? 1 am of the opinion tha:t in the long run benefits will become evident though there is no sign of any immediate beneficial results.
Brezhnev and his ruling circle were very much aware of the mood in the U.S. with regards to Soviet_Jews^long before he-commenced his trip. The bills by^Senators Henry M_^Jackson (m the Senate) and the Mills-Vanik Bill" (in Congress) were a blunt warning to the Kremlin that no''favoritenation" tariff treatment-will begrantedthe USSR until the present exit restrictions are removed.. A month before Brezhnev's visit some of the most impressive public demonstrations in support of those bills wefe held throughout the U;S. 100,000 marched in New York alone. Upon his arrival, the Freedom Assembly in Washington, the continuous vigil in front ■ of the USSR mission to the UN, pro^ clamations by mayors of scores of cities, forceful declarations by state governors, the effective utilization .of thesmedia throughout the U;S.; all this and countless local initiatives added up to aii\ unmistakable; and inescapable message to Brezhnev.
It may be assumed that this massive. outcry/found some echo m the inner discussions between the U.S. and USSR negotiators: Brezhnev also found during his private meeting with the U.S.
foreign affairs committee and it his Washington press conference that the issue of Soviet Jews. stands high on the agenda of U.S. public affairs and of the media.
What is important to recognize is that Brezhnev was on the defensive on this isisue throughout his visit. He manipulated the truth and offered misleading immigration figures to diminish the American opposition to his anti-Jewish policies. No doubt that the struggle of the vanguard of the Soviet Jewish community haunted Mr. Brezhnev through-oiit his stay in the U.S: It was the one spectre he could not escape while in the U.S.
— And yet no dramatic announciement ""relative to the Jewish problem was made by Brezhnev in the U.S. Indeed no single statement was made by him that promises at least an easing of the situation. What, if any, promises were made secretly to President Nixon are-unknown. Nevertheless, 1 feel that some good is bound to result from the great and moving effort made by. American Jews and non-Jews on behalf of Soviet Jews during Brezhnev's visit. I base nfiy expectations oh the painfully evolved patternof the Kremlin's reaction to publicly expressed political pressure, from the West. The Kremlin has never been more sensitive to public opinion abroacffhan at present.
The world-wide protests against their Leningrad frame-up_ and the vicious sentences that followed shocked Moscow and some concessions and retreats followed immediately. The cry to let Russian Jews out followed that -experience. Our own efforts during Kosygm's visit to Canada and similar efforts elsewhere resulted in a slight opening of the locked doors behind which hundreds of thousands of Soviet Jews who wished to leave were kept. The cruel ransom policy was: met. with ^ world-wide indignation and protest and • Moscow was compelled to partially sus-pend (not eliminate) that evil practice. There is more evidence of this same pattern. ^—.
So what now, after Brezhnev-s:^isit? It IS crystal clear that we must return to our tasks; iln the. U.S. the fighKin . support of the Jackson,and Mills-Vamk bills will have to-go on until MoscoW removes all barriers to Jewish emigration. And we here must activizejrf'ur potential for the battle as'^well.