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The Oinadian Jewish News, Thursday, May 11980 - Page 5
Editorial
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By GABRIEL BEN-DOR
Israeli Prime Minster Begin's recent visit to Washington again turned the spotlight on the complex personality of one of the most unlikely heroes of our time.
hi fact, the Begin story seems nothing less than miraculous. It is the kind of story that is normally found" only In political fiction, rather than in the rough and tumble world of real politics.
We cannot tell, of course, whether the futureis likely to produce many moreherpes of this kind, but it: definitely seems that Begin's term as Prime Minister signifies
the final stage in an era in the annals of Zionist and IsraeU politics.
Begin by nature is a sensitive man whose political thinking normally reflects a _.strange duality of extreme legalism, coupled with romantic notions of grandeur which by nature tolerate almost no legal bounds. A very late arrival (for a major Zionist leader) in Palestine during World War n did not prevent him from rapidly becoming the commander of the Irgiin, the underground military arm of the rievisTonists, the militantly nationalist Zionist opposition; which
was then in a shambles.
• Be^in — who knew then very little about military affairs proper and has not learned a very great deal since — managed to rebuild and i-evitalize the organization, iiifiising it with a sense of purpose, and eventually unleashing the active fight to drive out the British which is so eloquently chronicled in his book-The Revolt (soon to be made into a Hollywood movie!).
Throughout this period (1946-48), as well as during Ben-Gurion's forcible attempt to unify the various underground movements and integrate them into the newly created Israel Defence Forces (IDF) and also later, during traumatic arguments; such as those over the German reparations agreement (1952) and the withdrawal following the Sinai campajign (1956-1957). the country often seemed to be on the brink of civil war.
Begin was accused of "fascism" and was referred to by Ben-Gurioh as "that man, to the right of Mr. X."
In fact. Begin along with Ben-Gurion and the socialist leaders of the disbanded elite Palmach troops, such as the.late Yigal Allon) proved to be exceedingly tolerant and.'patient, swallowing a very bitter_pill •"and cleariy opting forthc parliahientaiy wiay of handling controversy, thus paving the way for Israeli democracy.
Begin, gifted drator and a passionate debater by nature, whose command of the Hebrew language was most impressive, proved to be a model parliamentarian — concerned, interested, inyolyed, magnanimous towairds his opponents and very much the'gentleman of the old school, following the courtesies of a long-vanished European aristocracy almost to the letter.
What he could not seem todo was to win an election. As the head of his Herat party, the heir to the revisionist Irgun tradition, he had to undergo the indignity of nine consecutiveelectoral defeats over a period of 24 years (1949-1973). wh|ch he did with exemplary good grace and sportsmanship.
In the beginning, he had difficulty even becoming the leader of the opposition. Once that was established, a series of electoral alliances (with the Liberals in CAHAL, 1965 and with several other small groups in the Likud in 1973) broadened his base of
Letters ttt the Editor
Says more homes needed for the aged
The letters to the editor keep pouring in and we welcome them. But in most cases they are top long and/or hard to read because they are written by hand.
Please . . . keep the letters short. If you use a typewriter, double-space. If you must write by hand, please write as legibly ais possible.
And above all . . . please remember that all letters are subject to editing-Following are excerpts from some of the letters received within the past couple of weeks:
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Beverley Stem's article (Two CSJE spokesmen spark major coalition for 80P.(X)0 elderiy — April 3) gave the important issue of aging a helpful airing. Thank you for con^municating clearly the message that better funding for home support services and senior centres is urgently needed,
I would like to clear up one point in the article. The Ontario -Campaign for Community-Based Servicies: does not; advocate "switching funds fironi institutionally-based care for the elderly to non-institutional." Wie need more homes.forthe alged, not less, as our elderly population;grows. Both institutiorial and cbmmunity-based services must increase.
The change of emphasis we are calling for will require"very rapid iexpansion of services living at home — now a neglected field — and likely a slower rate of growth for institutions.
Our brief asks the Ontario government to revamp its entire approach to aging. It recommends that much more money go into homemaking, chronic home nursing, meals-on-wheels and other vital community-based services. It also asks the province to end the freeze on new homes for the aged and to build and renovate facilities to meet proven needs. ;
— JeflbreyStutz, Toronto.
The Canadian Jewish News has entered. the ranks of those who believe that the. criticism of any policy of the government of^^ the State of Israel is to be considered ' off-limits (April 3). If we are to accept the boundaries of dissent, as presented in the editorial, then "saychel" means that the dissent can never actually be exercised. We are told that the basis of this lack of the right to public criticism is because we are not privy-to.the reasoning behind decisions of the Israel cabinet. .
As the editorial indicates, it seems clear thAt rabbis, past presidents of American organizations, people of influence in world Jewish rbodies ;.. should all regard the decisions of the Israeli cabinet or whatever government is in power in Israel as "Torah ftt)m Heaven." c, i
I am afraid that thecourse recommended by The Canadian Jewish News will neither help the cause of Israel nor the maturity of the Diaspora Jewish community.
— Rabbi Michael S. Stroh, Toronto.
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Iii the April 3 edition (Montreal) a question was posed to some Quebec Jews which read: "What's our role in the.-referendum?" Right under this item was another one headlined: 'rWhy did 6 million die?"
FroTn some of the answers given the reason is self-explanatory. They died because they had spokesmen who were— afraid to voice .an opinion as they might offend the government. —
Other answers were:"This (the referendum) is basically not a Jewish question." Another: "Congress should not become involved in a partisan way."
I agree this is not a Jewish question but I feel that this isa Canadian question and we, as Canadians and Jews should take a stand if we feel the decision will affect the lives of Canadians: Once again, as in Germany, we are sitting on the fence... it is time that we^ as Canadians and Jews; take a stand either pro or .con; The age-old reply that Congress cannot take a stand on political policy is too silly even to comment on.
As a member of the Royal Canadian Legion, another non partisan organization ,1 received a strong letter urging a No vote. It Is the Legion's feeling that the referendum
is not a political question but one tha:t affects our lives as Canadians.
Our leadership is bankrupt — be it the Zionist Organization, B'nai B'rith, Congress, etc.
—K. Rosenblatt, Montreal.
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The Jewish Telegraphic Agency report in your paper about the number of Jews in the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany is misleading.
In East, Germany, the total registered membership in the eight organized communities (Gemeinden) is nowhere near the 9(X) as reported by JTA. deluding East Beriin (about 320) the total is about 520. As for West Germany, in addition to the 27,768 registered members of the Gemeinden, another 10 to 15,000 Jews are believed to be permanent residents.
—^K. J. Hermann, Montreal.
In a way we have become,inured to the double standard that the world has used in judging Israel. Flagrant violations by a whole hos.t of countries go unheeded while Israel's every perceived mdiscretion becomes fair game for a verbal thrashing; When these obscenities become sufficiently. vulgar and.repugnant, such as the racism resolution (and more recently branding Zionism as hegemonism) we answer back, otherwise we ignore them for they are too many and too ridiculous.
Now, however, we; are increasingly finding Israel under attack from our own leaders. I refer to the recent article in the Globe & Mail by a prominent Toronto rabbi and another in the Worid Jewish Congress News and Views by a leading Jewish businessman. The subject, of course, is the. Israeli settlement policy on the West Bank which both of these gentlemen, I am sure, will not agree is merely a simple "mdiscretion." While I disagree with many of the points made in the WJC article, the author, at least, had the sensitivity to confine his remarks to an internal journal. In the other instance the author's disagreement with Israeli policy was bared in a national newspaper for all to read. . \
There is, of course, and cannot be any intention to stifle legitimate and responsible dialogue between Israel and the Diaspora and I have long been a vocal advocate of this need. Even criticism and disagreement are in order and in fact, to be expected, for we are not a monolithic people.
But the rule that applies to Israeli spokesmen not to criticize their government while outside of Israel applies in even greater measure'to Jewish leaders in the Diaspora. Any differences of opinion with Israeli policy must be strictly confined to our own forums, our o\yn house organs and in thecaseofarabbi.alsotohispulpit, if he so wishes. What possible effect can there be in publicly exposing this discontent other than to give consolation to our detractors.
Tlie question is not whether Israel's policy is right or wrong or whether it isor is not a dangerous policy for Israel to follow. The question is our right to publicly criticise that policy in the Diaspora. Thousands of Israelis may openly disagree and that is . their privilege. We, too, may disagree,'but only within our own councils and in 1 consultation with Israel. That is a discipline that must be imposedT" -
— MaxGoody, Toronto.
The editorial "A Great Irony" in your Jan. 24 issue reprimanding Rabbi Schindler for his advocacy of a change in Je.wish religious law was not justified, in my view.
It may fairly be stated that Orthodox religious Judaism js becoming the greatest divider among Jews^N^ft is living in Israel which particularly reveals its authoritarian and( particularistic character. Here one realizes that Orthodoxy's range of concerns is narrow and unconcerned witli universal, social and ethical values. : .
Given the clear anti-pluralistic and anti-democrtic bent to Orthodoxy, its version of Jewish unity raises the spectre of a potential Jewish Khomeinism. The
Orthodox overview, if applied to Israiel, would bring about its ejctinction. through internal suffocation long before external enemy could hope to achieve such a goal.
Gabriel Glazer, Tel Aviv.
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As a Jewish writer of long standing, I find myself alienated from present day Jewish leadership.
I would strongly urge Canadian Jewish Congress, in its upcoming plenary assembly to give more encouragement to Jewish authors and artists across Canada so they can continue to enrich Jewish life
So far. Congress has shown very little understanding for Jewish writers, especially in smaller communities. There has never; been any support for either the publication of my father's book or my own writings .. . I also resent the fact that Congress is npt promoting the Yiddish language and culture right across Canada.
. . Canada is not only Montreal, Toronto and Winnipeg; Canada also encompasses smaller Jewish communities from the Atlantic to the Pacific — many of which, are dying. • . -■.:.
Congress could instill new life in these small towns by trying to attract and assist immigrants to establish themselves here.
Other areas I think Congress should look at during the plenary. include cbmbatirig bigotry in the Atlantic provinces, expanding Jewish educational and cultural facilities and helping to bring Jewish singles together. A home for the Jewish aged in the Atlantic provinces is also of the utmost concern.
Norman Upschntz, Glace Bay, N.S.
I wish to make a correction to a story in The Canadian Jewish News (March 20). The story referred to TELEM — Movement for Zionist Fulfillment — as a "student group.'' h is not a student group; it is an aliya movement, many of whose members are, in fact, working adults. Aliya is not just for young people!
Howard Weiss, Mazldr TELEM, Toronto.
support, and legitimized his leadership in the eyes of many more Israelis.
All the while, paradoxically, the. old-fashioned; European-style nationalist orator increasingly appealed to the masses ■of Oriental Jews who wanted to register a protest, and to many younger Israelis who wanted change after decades of Labor rule. Eventually, the Orientals, the young, the disenchanted and the defections from Labor's lethargic and increasingly fractri-cidal government accumulated to victory in 1977, in an election which had very little to do with Begin's forte — foreign policy. Actually, the 1977 victory was masterminded by Ezer Weizman and his public relations-oriented younger associates, who finally sold Begin to the public, appropriately almost antiseptically packaged.
Begin's victory created such profound . apprehension that he immediately feU the need to send his associate Shmuel Katz (who would later resign in protest over Begin's concessions for peace .with Egypt) to the U.S. to calm down the U.S. establishment. However, by a twist of histor)', Begin's term; which many feared would be characterized by Jncessant sabre-rattling and possibly even war, saw peace with Egypt, something his seemingly dovish opponents had never even managed to approximate.
The man shunned by Ben-Gurion, the founder of the state, will gp down in history as the maker of (at least partial) peace for the state — an achievement that he hopes will put him finally on a par with ' Ben-Gurion. The man condemned as a terrorist and fascist gained ultimate legitimacy by winning the Nobel Peace Prize. • The price for the statesmanship necessarily involved was high. The concessions (especially dismantling the .Sinai settlements) were painful. The criticism from comrades and colleagues who had followed Begin for decades in the barren wilderness of opposition was galling. .
However. Begin's vision of peace came through and on two critical occasions he received the support of almPst 75% of the Knesset — a veritable political miracle in Israel.
In the short rim, the idea to make a deal with Egypt which would give the latter almost everything it could hope for in return forfive years of vague formula on the future of the Palestinians proved to be brilliant. Peace with the largest Arab power finally became reality.
Soon thereafter, cold realities began to re-assert themselves. Begjin was voted into power mostly because of spcid-econoinic issues, on. which the record of his government must be judged as poor, the economic problem of. high double-digit inflation under Labor became a nightmare of triple-digit inflatiori under Begin. The economy is really in a shambles. The chronic ailments (labor strife, poor produc-tivityi exaggerated reliance on foreign aid, tax-cheating and overstaffed and inefficient public service) multiplied.
Like many other Israeli leaders before him, Begin has known very little and done even less on the all-important socioeconomic front at home. What brought him to power may well oust him. The spcio-economic difficulties brought his approval rating down to unprecedented depths, and polls conclusively showthajt he would be soundly beaten in any election in • the foreseeable future.
Begin is essentially a 19th century style, liberal and romantic nationalist. His idea of autonomy is taken from that heritage; it is appropriately vague and extremely difficult • to apply to contemporary Middle Eastern realities.' In addition. Begin knows rather little about Arabs. Many of his ideas concerning the relationship between Egypt and the other Arab countries are conspicuously naive.
The peace process is at a stalemate, while things go relatively well on the •Egyptian front, a stable, comprehensive peace which must resolve the Palestinian issue somehow, is still outof sight. Begin's rigid ideological posture on the West Bank and the settlements (while far from being
Prime Minister Begin chats with Defence Minister Ezer Webman and Depni^ Prime Minister Yigael Yadin. Weizman has expressed an interest in succeeding Begte
the heart of the problem) is anythmg but helpful.
Begin is obviously the last Israeli Prime Minister in the mold of the traditional Zionist leader from the generation of the Founding Fathers.
He acts and thinks a la Herzl, Weizmann, Jabotinsky and Ben-Guriori. To a certain extent,' all Israeli Prime Ministers thus far have belonged to that heroic tradition, With the exception- of the Rabin interlude sandwiched between Golda Meir and Begin (1977).
The record of the Rabin episode was very discouraging; nevertheless it is obvious that the new, pragmatjc generation that >yill take over after Begin (be it Weizman of the Likud, Petes of the Labor Alignment or sbmeone else) will have to go beyond Begin's conceptual limitations in stabilizing the peace and improving the economy and
the quality of life in.Israel. The extent of their success will also determine Begin's fate in the annals of the Jews, for history judges entirely by results.
Ben-Gurion's faults and foibles (which were all too many) are (and should be) forgotten because his tpwering achievement — the Jewish state — endures. If the peace built in the late 19i70s also endures, and enables Israeli society to institute much needed reforms, Begin's treatment in history will be similar: all faults will be forgiven if the Sadat-Begin credo "no more war, no more bloodshed" becomes a political reality.
In comparison with this prospect, everything else will pale into insignificance, and Begin will have achieved, what he has wanted above all: a prominent place in the history of Zionism as one of the generation of giants, on a par with Ben-Gurion.
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[IPPAphoto]
YAINKEES, GO HOME
Arab students at BirZeit University, the West Bank, made tlieir feelings known with these wall danbings calling for Palestinian self-determination and an end to U.S. influence in area.
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J,B, is concerned and says,,.
Congress essence of what unites us all
, ByJ.B.SALSBERG
I wish it were not so but I am uneasy about the. plenary assembly of Canadian-Jewish Congress that is taking place this weekend in Toronto. '
., Congress was once considered as the "parliament'of-N^anadiain Jewry" the voice and'guide of the multi-faceted Jewish community of this country. Will this assembly reafiirm the philosophic and organizational-concepts that brou^t Congress into being and that sustained it as a model for other Wish communities in the world? Or, heavei^ forbid, wiU it depart from those tried and proven concepts and thus launch Congress into dangerous era of polarization? Congress, as an effective organi-
zational instrument of our total Jewish community, stands or falls by its adherence to the.founding principles of all-inclusiveness and consensus. Any .effort to convert Congress into an instrument of any one sector ofour community (regardless of the relative importance of that sector), will rob It of its reputation, its strength and its effectiveness.
Congress is. after all; a voluntary "parUament," deprived of either taxing powers or enforcement authority. Any sectional-power-group that forgets this ... inescapable fact lives in^^a world of self-delusion.
Frankly speaking, this is my major concern when approaching the present plenary assembly. This assembly may or may not deal properly and wisely with -every major issue that may (or should) come before it; Errors apd shortcomings can be corrected so long as the essential siructure of Congress remains. However, nothing but ill winds will blow through the broken windows of a fundamentally altered Congress structure. (One-side "slates" can only hasten the pace of de- ■ struction.)
Having gotten that haunting feeling out of my system, by verbalizing it in pubUc, 1 want to turn to some general areas that concern us all.
This assembly will, according to plans,
have lis usual quota of speeches to be delivered by prominent personalities from home and abroad. But what will be. our common response to the awesome problems that face Israel, world Jewry and the Canadian Jewish community at this crucial hour?
There is no doubt in my mind that the plenary assembly will reaflirm Canadian Jewry's resolution to go all-out in its financial and political efforts to assure ^Israel's independence, its security and its continued growth. Nor will the assembly fail to deal with our collective responsibility towards. the Jews in the Soviet Union and^ Arab countries.
We can also confidently predict that the ilewish pariiament will pay adequate attention to the problems of Jewish education and to the tremendously important work among the large Jewish student population in our Canadian institutions of higher learning. Failure to.face up to the challenge ofour students situation would be an unforgivable sin. .
But there^is one seriously neglected area that will, 1 suspect,^ha^dly be mentioned: at the assembly and I am determined to. at least, raise it here publicly.
It is the neglect of the numerically: large but liitherto inarticulate section of our community; the unaffiliated and uninvolved sector of secular Jews. I have in mind the thousands of our sons and
daughters who teach in the universities, secondary and elementary schools; the thou,sands who work in all branches of the entertainment world who enrich Canada's literature and press; who are prominent in the professions and other disciplines but who are. at best, only peripherally linked to our organized community.
They constitute i the major sector of what we call the alienated Jews. There is just no infrastructure for that mass of people who, as a rule, neither question nor deny their Jewishness. Welnust create the proper environmental and cultural frame for_jhat precious portion of Canadian Jewry.
Nu, so I got a few things off my chest.
All that's now left is to express my sincere hope that this assembly will be endowed with the wisdom to learn from the past and to go forward without losing any of the valuable units that make up our diversified community;
Let us not forget that Congress is not-meant to replace any of its components and, by the same token, none of its com-' ponents can "take over'!. Congress. -
Congress is the essence of what unites us all No other-Congress will survive.
Greetings and long Ufe to Canadian Jewish Congress, the institution that made ^Canadian J Jewry renowned througtiout the Jewish world!