I^ge 4-The (Radian Jewish News, Thursday, January 8, 1981
MT
Editorial
The Canadian jewisnnevYs
-Am iiidepLMideiH-Community Nesv-spaper >t:rViiit as.a t"i)rum for diverse viewpoints.
Directors:■ , •
Criar les Bronfman, Donald Carr.Q.C. ' George A. Conon'Jack Curnmings,
Murray B, Kotfier, Albert J. Latner, ■ Ray D. VVolfe. RuDin Zimrnerman  , _
EOitor, Maurice L.UCOW ' .: -
Assistant Editor,. David Birka.n Business Manager; Gary Laforet; Advertising Manager, Vera Giilman. . •Conttollef, Maurice Bronner .
vol xx, no; 93 (2,036r .
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Dawn of a new era?
The recent repon in The CJN that Jewish students at two Ontario universities have formed a political alliance with Ukrainian colleagues to pursue a common cause against Soviet.repression of dissidents is a startling item, given the image of the relationship between these two people in history.
The conventional wisdom has it that .before and during the Holocaust. Ukrainians were amoiig the most rabid anti-seniites and that during World War II they «ere among the most avid hunters and executioners of Jews. Survivors have described with special horror the participation of individual Ukrainians in the most zealous of the SS squads and in the cadres of concentration camp guards.
Bat two points mast be stressed. Ukrainian historians deny categorically this perception of Ukrailniah-Jewish relations. Secondly, thie behavior of certain elements within Ukrainian soicietj- in Earope before . and during World War n can hi no way be generalized to hiclade all Ukrainians. In Canada, for example, Ukrainian-Canadians have enjoyed congenial relationships with Jews.
Philip .Friedman, probably' the most scholarly researcher on the • Holocaust (whose Yiddish and Hebrew writings on the subject have now been translated into English in a book entitled "Roads to Extinction," Jewish Publication Society) indicates in his approach to the subject that far too little research has been done for one to make absolute statements about Ukrainian-Jewish relations.
Friedman, who died moi-e than a decade > ago, pointed out that in the Soviet Ukraine it has been impossible to docurnenrwith any certainty the fate of Jews because of the refusal of the Russians to open their archival materials. Most of the information in th,e possession of researchers cbmes from eyewitness accounts of survivors.
"Conceivably, the picture which emerges from the numerous eyewitness testimonies, records, and diarie;s may be somewhat .one-sided ... .however, the conciirrence in detail of so many of the repons,' wrinen independently and under .diverse circumstances,, is. am.ple warranty for their . evidentiary admissibility."
The latter reports plas the written records left , by the Nazis and their : Llirainian collaborators [all of which werie sifted meticuloasly by Friedman] rev-eal an appalling picture of co-operation between the Nazis and certain Ukrainian groups before and during the war.
In the 30s. extremist nationalist groups sought help from Hitler to further their aims against Russia. When, war broke out the OUN (Organization of Ukrainian NatioriaN ists) furnished the .Nazis with manpower sufficient to create two military units, the "Roland" and the "Nachtigall."'
Friedman makes the observ ation that when the Nazis occupied the Ukraine, the modierate elements such as the Ukrainian National Democratic Union [UNDpj which had no anti-semitic policies towards " Jews — were completely submerged by pro-Nazi collaborationist groups.
"These elements sought to curry favor with the Gerrrians through anti-serajtic . activities. Thus to the traditional anti-semit-ism andtotheanti-semitism "on principle"" there was added a new brand — a kind of r circumstantial   anti-semitism. Many . Ukrainians who had never before manifested any anti-semitic attitudes, and had even maintained friendly relations, were now eager to demonstrate their-anti-semitism. . since this was a" quick means of acquiring ■ wealth, prestige and power in the new political constellation."" says Friedman.
The Nazis, of course. w:elcomed this zealotry because it let them off the hook to some extent. Ukrainian Nazis spread stories aboiit Jews having denounced Ukrainian nationalists to the Soviet secret police. In Lowow. Tarnopol. Sambor and Zolkiew Jews were murdered by rampaging Ukrainian mobs. "" In several places the Ukrainian population.,on its own initiative, established concentration camps for Jews.""
The picture is not monochromatic.
Philip Friedman feels that the pro-Nazi Ukrainians would never have reached positions of power or influence in normal . times. Moreover, there were examples of pro-Jewish activity among members of the Uniate Church, especially on the part of the Metropolitan .Andreas Shepitsky. The lat-. ter. a respected divine, issued formal denunciations of anti-sernitic activities and personally helped in the rescue of individual Jews.      ,     ; •
Ukrainian Baptists, notes Friedman, were helpful to Jews hi Volhynia and Seventh Day Adventists hi Galicia concealed persecuted Jews. Such courage was found only among handful of righteous individuals.
Perhaps a whole new era is dawning as a result of the action of the Jewish and. Ukrainian student groups. The beginning of a new decade is a good time for a new start. . . .for greater understanding.
Diaiy of a People
By DAVID BIRKAN
On Jan..l3. 1898. eminent writer Emile Zola's"J'Accuse" hit the news stands of France. „■ . The article charged the:govemmenr with "high treason against humanity" by channeling popular rage from its own machinations to a defenceless Jew. It marked the turning point in the struggle for justice for Captain Alfred Dreyfus, falsely convicted of treason five years earlier.: •Many of its ramifications are felt to this day.
A bitter war raged in France throughout the 19th century. An alliance of the nobility, clerics and the military sought to regain decisive control of the government. From slander to assassination and fomenting riots, the entire gamut of political, weaponry was used. The bulk of the.press, controlled from above, clamored for the destruction of the Third Republic and the restoration of the monarchy.
The disproportionate Jewish involvement ;in bankruptcy, scandals at the time and the obvious success of Jewish financiers like the Rothschilds, as impeccable as their behavior , wasj,^ere used to charge that republicanism was Gontrolled by corrupt Jewish financiers. " . Dreyfus, a member of a wealthy and largely assimilated Alsace family^ was one of the few Jewish ofBcers in the French anny..-On Oct. 15,1894^ he was arrested and charged with selling military secrets to Germany. He was qakkly. convicted — through conspiracy and the ase' of forged documents as was later proven.
In a scene as memorable to that : generation of Jewry as the one: of the ghetto . boy with raised arms is to our own, Dreyfus was publicly stripped of his commission and humiliated. All the while, the mobs, whipped up by the.press, shouted: "Death to the Jews."
Zola, whose 20-yolume novel cycle depicted the decay of society under Napoleonin, became a leading voice crying ; for an impartial re-examination of the evidence against Dreyfus. From 18%-7, he.---wrote a series of articles clarifying miscon-
ceptions about Jewsi and contrasted, for example the advanced Jewish concept.of . the unity of mankind with the racist's peculiar hatreds. Zola, was accused of being-in Jewish pay. /
J"Accusewas:a bombshell,~bringing to a head the struggle that-promised to fester for . as long as it would take Dreyfus, to rot on Devil's Island. The govenfhient'simmedi-, ate reaction was to sentence Zola to prison, and: he had to flee to England.. But soon after, an unparalleled resurgence of public ■pressure forced an official re-examination ofthe.Dreyfuscase.-    • ■
A re-trial in September, 1899, based on the same military "evidence,*' found Dreyfus guilty once more, but handed down a reduced sentence.rAn unsatisfied public demanded-more, and so a pardon was arranged.
A firmly estabUshed anti-monarchist government hi 1904 undertook an hnpartlal review of the case. Two years later, acourt of appeal declared it completely misnbstan-tiated. Dreyfus was exonerated without a ^   further trial — 12years after his arrest.:
Zola anticipated the decision in a novel he wrote — hishero exonerated of a blood libel, charge and his accusers ridiculed. Zola was murdered however,in 1904, before he could witness the true-life vindication of Dreyfus and beforiTTie could make'a much-publicized trip to the Holy Land to gather .'material for a novel on Zionism. His death, from carbon monoxide poisoning, was due to a chimney aparently blocked by a reactionary fanatic who had gained access to Zola's apartment disguised as a work-man.       ■ ■
Zola had helped redeem the honor and dignity of the Jiews of Western Europe. But his actions could not prevent a significant loss of faith in assimilation.m the good faith of government and social mstitutions. Many Jews saw the mob as the rule and Zola as the exception. Among them wasTheodor Herzl.
In the long mn, Zola's vlctoiy for Dreyfus was not a decisive one for France. The /'stniggies between reactlonaiy and enlightened elements Is still raging. Jews continae to iiead the list of casualties.
■I
SaiicU AraW
By GABRIEL BEN-DOR
It is becoming increasingly obvious' that the diplomacy of the Arab-Israeli conflict is conspicuously geared to the quadri-annual electoral cycle in the United States and Israel, due to the pivotal role that the relationship between these two countries plays in the fundamental eqiiation of Middle East politics.
Thus, dramatic events occurred in 1968-70; 1973-75. and again in 1977-78. while relative periods of low intensitv were . in existence in 1970-73, 1975-1977 and ■ again in 1979-80. Now that the U.S. presidential election is over, the Israeili elections will be held no later than 11 months away, and there is every reason to believe that shortly thereafter the diplomatic process will gain mornentum rapidly.-..
This expectation assumes that by then the hostage crisis will be resolved and. that the Iranian-Iraqi war will no longer occupy such a central role in regional politics. It is also assumed — in Washington, Cairo and Riyadh — that the Israeli government that ' will be formed after the elections Will be able andwilling to participate in an effort to build a more comprehensive peace settlement by a more active negotiiating stance on the Palestinian question, and by making greater concessions.on that issue. .
While everyone assumes that ev'6^)\ if the Likud winsthe next election, a post-election Likud government will be stronger and thus more willing to.take political risks, the bets are increasingly in a comfortable electoral victory for the Labor Alignment, an eventuality that all the polls cleady predict (although it is a bit early, and the pollsters have been wrung before more than once!).
Thus, the signs are multiplying that several key forces hi the diplomacy of the Middle East are already preparing for the next stage ui the peace process which, in their view, will include a Reagan-led U.S.j a ^ Peres-led, Israel, aind a Saudi Arabia, chastened by the Iranian revolution, the Mecca uprising and the Giilf war.
Already manifold talks on various levels are discernible between Cairo: and Riyadh, . as well as 'between these tw'ti -.and ■ .Washington, not to mention the almost ° obligatory pilgrimage that the various', leaders of the Israeli Labor party ma,ke to Cairo. Above all. this.e.xtensive present and fuiure^priented diplornafic activity raises the question of the role of one crucially important participant in the emerging game plan. That participant is Jordan.
Immediately in.the. wake; of the Israeli-Egvptian peace negotiations, a split ap- , peared in Israel between those who be-iieyed in the future of an EgyptianTlsraeli peace, even if isolated from the other countries in the region,.and who felt that it was necessary to protect the fledgling relationship.by evolving it into a more comprehensive arrangement involving further -Arab, Contries — thus breaking Egypt's isolation and isolating instead the radical rejectibnist forces.      .    ■ .
The latter yiew was held by people like Dayan, who felt that the next country to.be brought into the'peace process had to be Syria, which.vvas of pivotal importance, and whose territory involved did not raise the sensitivities inherent m the delicate Palestinian quagmire. Dayan went as far as publicly hinting, that should Syria enter the . peace.process, the arrangements made in the Sinalwith Egypt might be applicable to the Golan Heights, for which he was chastened'by the true beTievers in Begin's entourage, while Begin himself refaseid to join the attack on his then foreign minister.
As is well known, this was not to be. The Syrians ^heavily involved in Lebanon, torn by fratricidal vidience at home* and engaging in historical one-upmanship vs. both Egypt and Iraq— refused to have anything . to do vyith the post-Camp David process, and instead opted for membership in the rejectionsit camps, inextricably allied with the PLO," aild ever closer to the Soviet Union, which of course has every reason to subvert the postrCamp David Pax Americana in the Middle East. :
ThnsVby no\v, those who seriously entertain thoughts of expanding Camp David into a more comprehensive framework inevitably retnm to ifie "Jordanian option" which was never liked by the Likud, but has been traditionally the brainchild of Labor ^ as recently demonstrated in Foreign Affairs by the party^s leader, Peres, and hi a par^-^ forum by Galili, who has formulated in-njunerable policy documents for tfae party In -,tfae last decade or so. _
The jprdanian option has several ver- . ,"sions. What they have in common is (a) an exclusion of the FLO as the representative of the Palestinians; (b) accepting two, not three states between the Mediterranean , and haq, and (c) stabilizing the area by not allowing a small, entity to emerge in the territories. Beyond that, some believe that--^ Israel should evacuate (under conditiohs of demilitarization) the Arab-populated areas of the West Bank (the Allon plan), whereas . others (eg. Sharon) reject this. V Some believe (eg. Rabin in the past) that A . this Jordanian-Palestinian state should be V ruled by Hussein, who will be a pro-Western, reasonable, stabilizing influence, while others (eg. Galili's latest report) openly entertain the possibility of Pales-
tinian domination in such a:n entity, not necessarily excluding even PLO-affiliated elements, '
The central-idea is -that once the Jordanian option is serioulsy offered, jt will be accepted hv the.Hashemite regime in .Amman in some form.and then this will be accompanied'by the'blessing of the Saudis arid their friends and allies in the Arab world, all under: the umbrella of a more active, potent and consistent American under Reagan -r- thus creating the makings of a more stable regional order. Such a sequence of ideas is entertained nowadays in more and more minds in the various capitals involved. ■
One big question to be asked, of course, is whaithe Jordanians themselves are after.
Some observers draw interesting — and optimistic—conclusions from the active, enthusiastic support given by Jordain to haq in the war against han. While it is easy — and tempting — to explain this simply that Jordan is simply paying fairly cheap: lip service to the cause of Arab nationalism to protect its ow-rt questionable legitimacy (a course followed consistently since the Rabbat conference in 1974 when Jordan accepted the Arab League resolution naming the PLO as the sole legitimate represent£|tive of the Palestinians), at least one major alternative explanation is also plausible.
According to this, Jordan IsreaJIy acting as a Saudi (and by implication also American) proxy offering help to Iraq in^ return for^afatore Iraqi split with the other rejectionlsts (which in any case support Iran Ip th^ war)^-thn8 neutralizing Iraq's, opposition to a future Jordanian {lartlcipa- _ tioiTln the peace plwess and Isolating SyTia, which is indeed expected to object vehemently. In fact, one of the two demands presented by Syria in the recent confrontation with Jordan was that tfae latter declare its continued adherence to the Rabbat formula, so apparently the Syrians believe that Amman Is, after all, preparing seriously for the Jordanian option.
There are many pieces (regional and global) missing in this baffling puzzle. None is more important, it seems, than ^ the domestic factor m Jordan, itself. Apparent-ly. the court in Amman is split between Crown Prince Hassan (and his faction) who genuinely accept the Rabbat formula and find the West Bank and its volatile Palestinians s- great nuisance. They value the added status in the Arab world, and look for prosperity and stability in the East Bank. And there is King Hussein, who is bound by the tradition that the West Bank is the legacy bequeathed to him by his grandfather Abdallah (who was murdered on account of this). Besides, Hussein believes that an exclusivley East Bank Jordan is but
_an unimportant desert "sheikdom, while a Jordan controlling the West,Bank and its holy places is an important world atfraiction for pilgrims, tourists aind inany millions of believers.
And yet, Hussein-has been hesitant; ^ some people argue that this was due to. the fact that under the Camp David fonnula his role would have been limited and inadequate.. ;
Would he ent^r thie picture if the present Jordanian option were offered? Or can he be threatened into joining by the fear of the emerging Palestinian majority in his kingdom? How will that majority eventually affect Jordanian perceptions? How strongly are the Saudis really committed to siich a course, and can they "deliver'' Jordan?
Of course, the answers are ^unknown. They relate to a future; about which ^ye are genuinely uncertain. And yet, the signs clearly indicate that these questions will become increasingly crucial in the next few months. '
i^Isyet another irony In tfae tragic history that in tfae long straggle between Jews and Arab for the Land of Israel ("Palesthie" for the Arabs), the key role In the next stage may be played by the Hasbemlte regime, which is truly an alien creature of Bedouin newcomers established by British imperialism. This is one of the few historical tratfas acknowledged by Jews and Arabs alike.
In Israeli politics^ obvious exceptions underscore declining role of women
By NECHEMLA MEYERS
JERUSALEM -
Whether the forthcoming Knesset elections are held next November, as scheduled, or early in 1981, as the great majority of Israelis w'ould prefer, they are still likely to leave women as outsiders on the local political scene.
At present, in fact, the only women of any consequence in Israeli politics head parties that are of no consequence.
For both Shujamit Aloni of the left-wing Citizens' Rights Movement, whth one member iri the current Knesset, and Guela Cohen of the right-wing Tehiya Movement, with two, are no more than colorful curiosities. In the major parties, where the power lies, women have only token representation or no representation at all.
It is strange that this should be the case in oqe of just, five nations -r^ India, Sri Lanlta, Romania and Britain beiiig the others — that haive ever been run by women in modem times. But Israel's Golda Meir, /like Udia's hidha Ghandi or Britahi's Margaret Thatcher, was the exception that proved the hile. Here, indeed, Golda was the pn|y woman ever to have held a cabinet ■ |>ost.-
Contrary to the trend in other spheres of
Israeli Ijfe. the role ofwomeh in politics has actually been decliriing. While there were 11 or 12 feminine MKs in the early Knessets. the present Knesset has only nine. Moreover, the two most important Knesset committees — finance and defence and foreign affairs — are now without a single woman member. Most of the ladies have been relegated to the high-minded but innocuous education committee, the only one currently to be headed by a woman (Labor Party stalwart Ora Namir).
Ms. Namir moved into politics in the footsteps of her late husband, Mordechai Namir, who served at various times as secretary-general of the Histadrut Labor Federation, as minister of labor and as mayor of Tel Aviv. However, Ms. Namir doesn't think that it is the lack of siich background that keeps other women out of politics. She artributesthis in large measure "tp the cumulative effects of.periodic vVars on JsEaelLsogiety, as the result of which women tend to concentratepn consolidaiting the family unit as an island of security in a sea of insecurity. .
"In addition," she adds wryly, "women polhicians don't have wives to lean on at home."
This '^shortcbming" is a particular ' handicap for thf kind of women most likely
to enter politics, namely those with professional training. Of necessl^, tfaey must give priority to botfa tfaeir families and their careers; politics are bound to come In a very poor third.
Most feminine Knesset members are in accord on. "women's issues" like easy-tOr obtain. pub|iely-financed abortions. However, this consensus does not emcompass the sole female representative of the National Religious Party. Mrs. Sara Stern-Katan. On the contrary, she strongly oppoises giving "excessive freedom to the individual and thus sacrificing the hallowed values of Jewish tradition."
h might be expected that women would at least be well represented on city councils — bodies which deal with cipse-to-home issues like schools, playgrounds and sanitation. Yet the opposite is true; there is an even lower percentage of women in local government than in the Knesset, and no Israeli equivalents of San Francisco's Dianne Feinstein or Chicago^s Jane Byrtie.
Ms. Namir, while used to the situation, is. by no means willing to accept passively the status quo. She Is demanding that tfae Labor Party, which Is likely to whi the next elections, allocate 20% of Its Knesset seats to women. Feminine politicians in the other', parties would be pleased to get 1()%.
in rebbe's UJA appeal
By J. B. SALSBERG
, The Lubavitcher rebbe. Rabbi Mena-chem Mendle Schneerson; the spiritual head of the^ost dynamic, woridwide, chassidic movement, has recently issued a public appeal on behalf of the United Jewish Appeal of Greater New. York; In that appeal, the Lubavitcher rebbe urged all Jews to respond "warmly and generously."
But, before 1 even write another line, J can hear questioning voices and I can see raisedeyebrowsandquestioning-looksTr can visualize those lips and looks saying: "So"what's so special"about this that deserves a whole column?" I: can also imagine some suspicious types sayuig: "Look; J.B. became a Lubavitcher!" or mumur obliquely: - "What's he up to now?"
So, in the hope of removing whatever barriers may stand in the way of appreciating the purpose of this column, 1 : should like to state:
Yes; there is, in my view, special significance in the Lubavitcher rebbe's public support for the United Jewish Appeal.
Furthermore, although his endorsement was directed towards the united effortof New York Jewry, linterpret that appeal as applying, with equal force to the UJA drive that is currently under
way in Toronto and to parallel campaigns that in Montreal, Winnipeg and all other Jewish communities.
For. while there may. be insubstantial differences between one community and another with regards to the distribution : of the funds raised, essentially though, all United Jewish Appeal funds everywhere are governed by the same principles.
Whether or not the Lubavitcher rebbfe ever issued such a public endorsement of UJA before, 1 cannot say. At any rate. 1 can't recall one. I also lack the direct contact with all major contributors, or . potential donors, to predict what effect the rebbe's appeal will have on the current campaigns. '
But 1 am certain that the Lubavitcher rebbe's public identification with^LJJA is bound to be beneficial. -
More Important, it creates the atmosphere for an open discussion on the individual's responsibility to the needs of Jewry as a wfaole and tfae needs of one's preferred area In Jewish life.
The importance of^such an open-and; thorough discussion cannot, in my view, be overstated. It's basic ana timely.
The Lubavitcher rebbe's action ser\esi of course, an immediate purpose, but it also places the overriding issues-of priorities and responsibilities quite clearly and directly..
In his letter to the rabbinic council of the New York UJA campaign, the rebbe said (and 1 translate from the Yiddish): "In view of the growing needs of our brothers. Jews, both here and overseas, especially in: the area of Jewish education. I'm certain that everyone who will be approached for a contribution to4he-. campaign will, respond warmly and generously."
That is more than an appeal for funds ... it is an appeal for identification with the: needs of Jewry everywhere; it emphasizes the national, and not justJthe
sectional, uiterests and concerns.
^:
In my experience,,tfaere are altogetfaer too lAany wfao respond to sectional needs but who remain totally unmoved by the larger, the overriding needs of Jewery hereandabroad.
" I should, at this stage, perhaps emphasize that 1 fully appreciate the special concerns that, specific sectors of our community may feel toward institu-tionsthat have exceptional meaning for them. Such special concerns exist at all levels of our multi-faceted community.
They exist,and quite legitimately and understandably, among the several branches of Orthodoxy, chassidic movements. Conservative and Reform Judaism, as they do among those that are usually classified as belonging to the secular sectors.
But it becomes indefensible and even alarming when the special concerns exclude all else and everyone else (as it does, for instance, in the Satmar wing of chassidism).
. Special. concerns become a danger "when they resuh in indifferance to the needs of"Jewish education at laige~— at home and abroad; when they result in indifference to the social arid welfare needs of our people (the sicki the aged, etc.). here and abroad; when they result in indifference' to the "fecial needs ■ (financial and political).of Israel; when they result in an actual separation from Jewish life as a whole (min: hatzibur), both here and around the world. : It is from this point of view that I consider the Lubavitcher rebbe's public endorsemen^t of UJA as a very important event. Moreover, it may be a tool for the opening of new doors and the winning of new people for adequate participation in UJA and ui other areas of Jewi^fiUfe^-hereandabroad. / r
Oh, yes: No, I faayen't become a Lnbavltcfaer chassid. Though uncle Eliezer does think tfaat I'm somewhat softonLnbavitch.